After talking to Lotshe and Thompson, the king was still hesitant to make a decision. Thompson appealed to Lobengula with the following question: “Who gives an Assegai to a man, if he expects to be attacked by him afterwards?” Lobengula understood this about the Martini Henry rifles and made the decision: “Bring me the flying paper and I will sign it,” he said. Thompson briefly left the room to call Rudd, Maguire, Helm and Dreyer, and they sat in a semicircle around the king. Rudd said in his diary that the king was sitting on an old briefcase in a corner of the chalk. He said “hello” in good spirits, but seemed frantic and anxious. For half an hour, he would not sign and say that a promise was all he would do, but that he had never signed his name. Rudd had almost decided to clean up when suddenly the king said to Rev Helm: “Hellum, tele lappi” [Casque, give me] and then the concession left its mark. Sidney Webb, at colonization, noticed it; “Lord Salisbury has for some time been the opposite of our old ally,” with Portugal trying to limit aid to Scottish missionaries and others who opposed the slave trade in present-day Malawi. The Salisbury events moved slowly towards Rhodes` advantage.
For many on the Indaba, the most pressing motivation was matabeleland`s safety. While Lobengula regarded the Transvaalers as more powerful battlefield adversaries than the British, he understood that Britain was more important on the world stage, and while the Buren wanted land, Rudd`s party claimed to be interested only in mining and trade. Lobengula argued that if he accepted Rudd`s proposals, he would keep his country and the British would be obliged to protect him from boen abuses.  Between Kimberley and Mafeking, Maund de Shippard learned that Grobler had been killed by a group of Ngwato warriors on his return to the Transvaal, and that they were threatening to attack the leader of Ngwato Khama III, protected by Great Britain. Maund volunteered to defend Khama and wrote a letter to his employers explaining that this could lay the groundwork for a Khama concession covering the area that was contesting matabele and Ngwato. Cawston wrote just back with orders to make for Bulawayo without delay, but more than a month had elapsed in the time that these written exchanges required, and Maund had squandered his lead over Rudd.  The Rudd Party arrived in the King`s Kraal on 21 September 1888, three weeks before Maund, at Tati.  Rhodes became prime minister of capcolony in July 1890, as Capafricanians were widespread.
His first goal as Prime Minister was to occupy the Von Zambezi-Limpopo Basin.  His Chartered Company had then elevated the pioneer column, a few hundred volunteers described as “pioneers” whose lot was to occupy Mashonaland and begin its development. To this end, its ranks were filled with men from all corners of South African society, including, at the insistence of Rhodes, several sons of Cape Town`s ruling families. Each pioneer was promised 12 km2 of land and 15 mining claims in return for his service.  From March 1889 Rhodes undertook to merge the interests of the London Syndicate and the Bechuanaland Exploration Company and the Exploring Company with his own interests and Alfred Beit, who represented the De Beers Syndicate and Gold Fields of South Africa. After Mzilikazi S. 1868, his son Lobeng replaced him after a brief succession fight.  High and well-constructed, Lobengula was generally regarded as thoughtful and reasonable, even by contemporary Western relations; After the South African big game hunter Frederick Hugh Barber, who met him in 1875, he was funny, mentally sharp and authoritarian – “every inch a king.”  Lobengula was first opened to Western companies in his country by adopting Western-style clothing and granting white visitors mining concessions and hunting licenses for sterling, weapons and ammunition.